Espionage and China, all You Need to Know
Posted by w_thames_the_d on October 16, 2014
China is invading the USA in bot people and comlanies. While we welcome them with open arms, they see us as a means to an end. To them it is impossible that the U s coexist in any meaningful way and they would like more than to destroy us. This sounds harsh but is true.
The following are articles are about Chinese aggressive attempts at espionage. The Chinese have never liked us and never will. We are essentially at war with them.
China’s state sponsored hacking
The FBI on Wednesday issued a private warning to industry that a group of highly skilled Chinese government hackers was in the midst of a long-running campaign to steal valuable data from U.S. companies and government agencies.
“These state-sponsored hackers are exceedingly stealthy and agile by comparison with the People’s Liberation Army Unit 61398 . . . whose activity was publicly disclosed and attributed by security researchers in February 2013,” said the FBI in its alert, which referred to a Chinese military hacker unit exposed in a widely publicized report by the security firm Mandiant.
Indeed, U.S. officials say privately, the activities of this group are just as significant — if not more so — than those of Unit 61398.
The U.S. government has publicly called on the Chinese government to halt its widespread cybertheft of corporate secrets, but Beijing has denied such activities. When the Justice Department in May announced the indictments of five PLA officials on charges of commercial cyberespionage, the government responded by pulling out of talks to resolve differences between the two nations over cyberspace issues.
The FBI’s alert, obtained by The Washington Post, coincided with the release of a preliminary report on the same hackers by a coalition of security firms, which have dubbed the group Axiom. “The Axiom threat group is a well-resourced and sophisticated cyber espionage group that has been operating unfettered for at least four years, and most likely more,” said the report, issued by Novetta Solutions, a Northern Virginia cybersecurity firm that heads the coalition.
BY: Bill Gertz
July 3, 2014 5:00 am
The Chinese military revealed this week that it has set up a high-level cyberspace intelligence center amid growing concerns around the world over Beijing’s aggressive cyber espionage.
Disclosure of the new military cyber spying center followed unprecedented U.S. charges in May against five Chinese military hackers who prosecutors say engaged in widespread theft of American corporate and trade secrets through cyber espionage.
The creation of the People’s Liberation Army Cyberspace Strategic Intelligence Research Center was disclosed Monday in the official military newspaper PLA Daily.
The center is part of the General Armaments Department, whose cyber spies “will provide strong support in obtaining high-quality intelligence research findings and help China gain advantage in national information security,” the PLA Daily reported.
The Armaments Department is the chief military organ of the Communist Party’s all-powerful Central Military Commission (CMC). As part of the CMC, the cyber intelligence center will wield enormous power over both personnel and budgets within the Chinese military, intelligence, and government bureaucracy.
“The center is designed to become an authoritative research resource for Internet intelligence, build a highly-efficient cyberspace dynamically-tracking research system, provide high-end services for hot and major issues, and explore approaches of intelligence analysis as well as identification and appraisal with cyberspace characteristics,” the newspaper said.
Cyber intelligence work will include academic exchanges, conferences, published reports and translation services with the goal of expanding the center’s influence in cyberspace research.
Few details were provided on the structure and function of the cyber-spying center. However, the center will rely on cyber specialists involved in both “situation awareness” and research. Situation awareness is a term used by militaries to describe intelligence-gathering on the Internet and against information systems.
Experts who will operate the center include strategic theorists, intelligence analysts, and technology specialists.
An inaugural ceremony for the center was held June 26 where cyber warfare experts presented remarks on “cyberspace strategic situation evaluation and countermeasures.”
Military cyber programs are among the most secret elements of China’s large-scale military buildup, which has focused on developing asymmetric warfare capabilities and weapons designed to be used against a militarily stronger United States. In addition to cyber warfare tools, China’s military is building anti-satellite missiles and lasers, advanced submarines, and hypersonic strike weapons.
The announcement of the new center is unusual. Chinese government spokesmen routinely deny the military conducts any cyber intelligence operations. Senior Chinese officials, in response to claims of cyber spying, have leveled counter charges against the United States based on pilfered classified documents made public through renegade National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden.
“The Confucius Institutes do represent a threat for the Canadian government, do represent a threat to the Canadian public,” Juneau-Katsuya told the TDSB committee.
“There is publicly available information stating clearly that Western counter-intelligence agencies have identified Confucius Institutes as forms of spy agencies used by the [Chinese] government and employed by the [Chinese] government.”
Juneau-Katsuya was one of several people who asked to address the committee. The TDSB is trying to decide whether to permanently abandon its Confucius Institute partnership after an outcry from concerned parents and trustees. The committee voted on Oct. 1 to end the partnership. The entire board will vote on the issue at the end of the month.
Promoted as non-profit organizations funded by the Chinese communist regime to teach Chinese language and culture, Confucius Institutes (CI) have been cited by China’s own officials as tools to advance the regime’s soft power.
Former CSIS head Richard Fadden said during a 2010 speech while still serving with the agency that CIs are controlled by Chinese embassies and consulates and linked them with Beijing’s efforts to influence Canadian policy.
The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) own former propaganda chief, Li Changchun, called CIs “an important part of China’s overseas propaganda set-up.”
Former CCP leader Hu Jintao also clarified that using the name of Confucius for the institutes is no indication that the regime suddenly endorses the teachings of the ancient sage, which were widely criticized and ridiculed during Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution.
Rather, the famous name allows the CCP to promote the institutes since, according to Hu’s remarks published in Chinese, “through many years of effort, we have now found the way to cultivate and prepare supporters for our Party.”
“Establishing and spreading the various Chinese language institutes such as Confucius Institutes around the world is to increase our Party’s [CCP’s] influence worldwide,” Hu said.
Confucius Institutes Rejected
“Facts are…that currently the Confucius Institutes in Canada are not increasing in number, they are decreasing in number,” Juneau-Katsuya told the TDSB committee.
McMaster University and the University of Sherbrooke shut down their CIs, and in the United States, the Pennsylvania State University and the University of Chicago recently decided to end their relationship with CIs.
“They experienced the partnership with the Confucius Institute, they experienced partnership with the Chinese government, and they decided to give up the [relationship],” Juneau-Katsuya said.
“My father used to remind me very often that wise men would learn from the experience of somebody who went through something, and the fool will wait and go through the same experience instead.”
There is no shortage of evidence showing how CIs are used for spying activities, Juneau-Katsuya said.
Investigations have shown that CI employees in certain provinces have tried to get access to government accounts and secrets, he said. What’s more, Chinese intelligence agencies do not plan in terms of years, but rather generations.
“They have developed a system where they would be capable to recruit people or identify people from very, very early ages, wait for a long period of time, and eventually sort of capture the ‘spirit’ of the love that person might have for the Chinese culture,” Juneau-Katsuya said, citing this as one of the risks of the CI coming to Toronto schools.
In another example, Juneau-Katsuya said an academic gets invited to China, is given the red-carpet treatment such as expensive meals and wine, and is made to believe he or she is someone “extremely important.”
Once the person becomes indebted to the regime, the regime’s agents will use this leverage to advance their own agenda.
“The Chinese exploit that very well, and they are good at being capable to sort of barter their way and barter their relationship with people, and that has been done over and over again.”
CSIS has observed many cases of this, Juneau-Katsuya said, where elected officials and representatives of major institutions go on visits to China and once back, implement policies favourable to Beijing in their jurisdiction, whether municipal, provincial, or federal.
Then-head of CSIS Fadden said in an interview with the CBC in 2010 that some municipal politicians and provincial cabinet ministers are under the influence of foreign governments, while alluding to China as the most aggressive country in efforts to gain influence in Canada.
CIs also target people in the industry for the Chinese regime’s benefit, Juneau-Katsuya said.
“Confucius Institutes do not only teach students, … they also go to the private sector and teach to the private sector,” he said.
The unsuspecting people from the industry attend the institute and hope to learn Chinese and build friendships. However, “there is a strategy behind all of this [for CIs] to be able to eventually recruit or simply obtain information from these people.”
Regular readers of the National Interest enjoy a rich flow of essays debating the consequences of China’s return as a great power and how U.S. policy makers should respond to the challenge China’s rise will create for U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific region and around the world.
But elsewhere in Washington’s corridors of power and across the country, the subject of China’s rise, its implications for U.S. and regional security, and how U.S. foreign policy should adjust to this development is commonly treated like the proverbial elephant in the room, clearly present, but not clearly discussed.
U.S. policy makers and the American public must face up to the fact that China’s return as a great power is inevitably creating a contest that will likely evolve into the most consequential and taxing security challenge the United States will face in the decades ahead. It will be the most consequential because the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region is of paramount importance to America’s economy, its standard of living, its future prosperity and its own role as a global power. It will be the most taxing, because China will have at its disposal far more resources than the Soviet Union ever dreamed of having. The Cold War security competition demanded much of the United States; the China challenge will demand as least as much, if not more. The China challenge is the elephant in most rooms in Washington perhaps because the magnitude of the challenge is so unsettling to policy makers and planners.
Nevertheless, U.S. policy makers and America’s political system will inevitably have to face up to the China challenge. Indeed, there are four harsh realities with which America must soon come to terms.
First, the next American president and his or her advisers will need to face up to the fact that a policy of forbearance toward China has now been tried and has failed. Forbearance has been a bipartisan policy. In 2005, former deputy secretary of state Robert Zoellick politely asked China to be a “responsible stakeholder” in the international system, with the hope and expectation that China would see its interests best fulfilled by cooperating with the existing international system. Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for Asia during Barack Obama’s first term, argued for a policy of conciliation in order to avoid the “Thucydides Trap,” the tragic clashing of great powers that has littered so much of world history. It was defensible to have tried forbearance first. However, China’s response since 2008 to forbearance has been clear: more assertiveness, more salami-slicing and an acceleration of its military modernization. Part of the deal of trying forbearance first must include a willingness to admit when it has run its course. The next set of U.S. policy makers will have to acknowledge the end of forbearance as a useful China policy.
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